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Legislative HistoryHouse Ways & Means Report on 1935 Legislation |
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Shortly after the 74th Congress convened in January 1935, President
Roosevelt sent his Social Security legislation to Capitol Hill. The Administration
proposal was transmitted to the Congress on January 17, 1935 and it was
introduced that same day in the Senate by Senator Robert Wagner (D-NY)
and in the House by Congressman Robert Doughton (D-NC) and David Lewis
(D-MD). The bill was referred to the Senate Finance Committee and the
House Ways & Means Committee. 74TH CONGRESS
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| TABLE I. Actual and estimated number of persons aged 65 and over compared to total population, 1860 to 2000 | |||
| Year |
Total population |
Number aged 65 and over |
Percent aged 65 and over |
| 1860 |
31,443,000 |
849,000 |
2.7 |
| 1870 |
38,558,000 |
1,154,000 |
3.0 |
| 1880 |
50,156,000 |
1,723,000 |
3.4 |
| 1890 |
62,622,000 |
2, 424,000 |
3.9 |
| 1900 |
75,995,000 |
3,089,000 |
4.1 |
| 1910 |
91,972,000 |
3,958,000 |
4.3 |
| 1920 |
105,711,000 |
4,940,000 |
4.7 |
| 1930 |
122,775,000 |
6,634,000 |
5.4 |
| 1940 |
132,000,000 |
8,311,000 |
6.3 |
| 1950 |
141,000,000 |
10,863,000 |
7.7 |
| 1960 |
146,000,000 |
13,590,000 |
9.3 |
| 1970 |
149,000,000 |
15,066,000 |
10.1 |
| 1980 |
150,000,000 |
17,001,000 |
11.3 |
| 1990 |
151,000,000 |
19,102,000 |
12.6 |
| 2000 |
151,000,000 |
19,338,000 |
12.7 |
| Source: Data for years 1880 to 1930 from the United States censuses. | |||
Approximately 1,000,000 men and women over 65 years of age are dependent upon the public for support, the great majority of them on relief. This number is certain to increase in the future due to (1) the rapid increase of persons over 65 years of age, (2) the fact that many of the older workers now unemployed will never be steadily employed again, (3) the disappearance during the depression of the lifetime savings of many families approaching old age, and (4) the lessened ability of children to support their parents. The social problem of old age dependency, great as it is today, is certain to become more acute in the future unless adequate measures are taken now.
Experience, both in this country and in other lands, has demonstrated that the best way to provide for old people who are dependent upon the public for support is through old age assistance grants, more commonly called "old age pensions." Twenty nine States and the Territories of Alaska and Hawaii have old age pension laws. Approximately 200,000 old people are now in receipt of old age assistance under these laws, and while the grants are often inadequate, the lot of the pensioners is distinctly less hard than that of old people on relief. But due in part to restrictive provisions in the State laws, and still more to the financial embarrassment of many State and local governments, the old age pension laws are limited in their application and do not provide adequately for all old people who are dependent upon the public for support.
To encourage States to adopt old age pension laws and to help them carry the burden of providing support for their aged dependents, this bill proposes that the Federal government shall match the expenditures of the State and local governments for old age pensions, except that the Federal share is not to exceed $15 per month per individual. A few standards are prescribed which the States must meet to entitle them to Federal aid, but these impose only reasonable conditions and leave the States free of arbitrary interference from Washington.
| TABLE II. Operation of old age pension laws of the United States, 1934 | ||||||
| State |
Type of law |
Number of pensioners |
Number of eligible age, 1930 |
Percentage of pensioners to number of eligible age |
Average pension |
Yearly cost |
| Alaska | Mandatory | 446 | 3,437 | 11.1 | $20.82 | $95,705 |
| Arizona | do | 1,974 | 9,118 | 21.6 | 9.01 | 200,927 |
| California | do | 19,300 | 210,379 | 9.2 | 21.16 | 3,502,000 |
| Colorado | do | 8,705 | 61,787 | 14.1 | 8.59 | 172,481 |
| Delaware | do | 1,610 | 16,678 | 9.7 | 9.79 | 188,740 |
| Hawaii | Optional | [1] | [1] | [1] | [1] | [1] |
| Idaho | Mandatory | 1,275 | 22,310 | 5.7 | 8.85 | 114,521 |
| Indiana | do | 23,418 | 138,426 | 16.9 | 6.13 | 1,254,169 |
| Iowa | do | 3,000 | 184,239 | 1.6 | 13.50 | 475,500 |
| Kentucky | Optional | [ 2] | [ 2] | [ 2] | [ 2] | [ 2] |
| Maine | Mandatory | [3] | [3] | [3] | [3] | [3] |
| Maryland | Optional | 141 | 92,972 | .2 | 29.90 | 50,217 |
| Massachusetts | Mandatory | 20,023 | 156,590 | 12.8 | 24.35 | 5,411,723 |
| Michigan | do | 2,660 | 148,853 | 1.8 | 9.59 | 306,096 |
| Minnesota | Optional | 2,655 | 94,401 | 2.8 | 13.20 | 420,536 |
| Montana | do | 1,781 | 14,377 | 12.4 | 7.28 | 155,525 |
| Nebraska | Mandatory | [4] | [4] | [4] | [4] | [4] |
| Nevada | Optional | 23 | 4,814 | .5 | 15.00 | 3,320 |
| New Hampshire | Mandatory | 1,423 | 25,714 | 5.5 | 19.06 | 298,722 |
| New Jersey | do | 10,560 | 112,594 | 9.4 | 12.72 | 1,375,693 |
| New York | do | 51,228 | 373,878 | 13.7 | 22.16 | 13,592,080 |
| North Dakota | do | [5] | [5] | [5] | [5] | [5] |
| Ohio | do | 24,000 | 414,836 | 5.8 | 13.99 | 3,000,000 |
| Oregon | do | [6] | [6] | [6] | [6] | [6] |
| Pennsylvania | do | [7] | [7] | [7] | [7] | [7] |
| Utah | do | 930 | 22,665 | 4.1 | 8.56 | 95,599 |
| Washington | do | 2,239 | 101,503 | 2.2 | [1] | [1] |
| West Virginia | Optional | [5] | [5] | [5] | [5] | [5] |
| Wisconsin | do | 1,969 | 112,112 | 1.8 | 16.75 | 395,707 |
| Wyoming | Mandatory | 643 | 8,707 | 7.4 | 10.79 | 83,231 |
| Total | 180,003 | 2,330,390 | 16.48 | 31,192,992 | ||
| 1 No information
available or not computed. 2 Not in operation. 3 Not yet in effect. 4 Not much being done due to lack of funds. 5 No pensions paid now. 6 Administered by counties; no information available for State. 7 Law just being put into effect. Source: Data collected by the Committee on Economic Security. |
||||||
The provisions for Federal aid, included in title I, are designed for the support of people now old and dependent. They do not, however, furnish a completely satisfactory solution of the problem of old age support, considered from a long time point of view. If no other provisions are made, the cost of gratuitous old age pensions is bound to increase very rapidly, due to the growing number of the aged and the probable increasing rate of dependency. Unless a Federal benefit system is provided, the cost of old age pensions under title I shared equally by the Federal Government and the States, would by 1960 amount annually to more than $2,000,000,000 and by 1980 to nearly $2 600,000,000, on the basis of an average monthly pension of $25.
To keep the cost of Federal aided State pensions under title I from becoming extremely burdensome in future years, and to assure support for the aged as a right rather than as public charity, and in amounts which will insure not merely subsistence but some of the comforts of life, title II of the bill establishes a system of old age benefits, paid out of the Federal Treasury, and administered directly by the Federal Government. The benefits provided for workers who have been employed during substantially all their working life, will probably be considerably larger than any Federal aided State pensions could be. The benefits to be paid are related to the wages earned, but there are adjustments favoring the lower paid employees and those approaching old age. The minimum monthly benefit payable is $10, and the maximum is $85. An employee whose total wages, as defined in the act, prior to the age of 65 amount to less than $2,000 will not qualify for benefits, but he will receive 31/2 percent of his wages in a lump sum at the age of 65. He may be eligible also for a Federal aided State pension under title I.
| TABLE III. Illustrative monthly Federal old age benefits under title II. | |||||||||
| Average monthly salary |
Years of employment |
||||||||
| 5 |
10 |
15 |
20 |
25 |
30 |
35 |
40 |
45 |
|
| $25 |
(1) |
$15.00 |
$16.25 |
$17.50 |
$18.75 |
$20.00 |
$21.25 |
$22.50 |
$23.75 |
| 50 |
$15.00 |
17.50 |
20.00 |
22.50 |
25.00 |
27.50 |
30.00 |
32.50 |
35.00 |
| 75 |
16.25 |
20.00 |
23.75 |
27.50 |
31.25 |
35.00 |
38.75 |
42.50 |
46.25 |
| 100 |
17.50 |
22.50 |
27.50 |
32.50 |
37.50 |
42.50 |
47.50 |
51.25 |
53.75 |
| 125 |
18.75 |
25.00 |
31.25 |
37.50 |
43.75 |
50.00 |
53.13 |
56.25 |
59.38 |
| 150 |
20.00 |
27.50 |
35.00 |
42.50 |
50.00 |
53.75 |
57.50 |
81.25 |
65.00 |
| 175 |
21.25 |
30.00 |
38.75 |
47.50 |
53.13 |
57.50 |
61.88 |
66.25 |
70.63 |
| 200 |
22.50 |
32.50 |
42.50 |
51.25 |
56.25 |
61.25 |
66.25 |
71.25 |
76.23 |
| 225 |
23.75 |
35.00 |
46.25 |
53.75 |
59.38 |
65.00 |
70.83 |
78.25 |
81.88 |
| 250 |
25.00 |
37.50 |
50.00 |
56.25 |
62.50 |
68.75 |
75.00 |
81.25 |
85.00 |
| 1 Lump sum payment of $52.50. | |||||||||
The establishment of the Federal old age benefit system will materially reduce the cost of Federal and State pensions under title I in future years. It will not entirely replace that system, because not all persons will be under the Federal old age benefit plan. It will operate, however, to reduce the total cost of old age pensions under title I to the Federal and State Governments in the future by more than $1,000,000,000 annually.
| TABLE IV. Estimated appropriations, benefit payments, and reserves under title II [In millions of dollars] |
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| Fiscal year ending June 30 |
Appropriation |
Interest on reserve |
Benefit payments |
Amount carried forward to reserve |
Reserve |
| 1937 | 255.5 |
0. 0 |
1.8 |
253. 6 |
253.6 |
| 1938 | 513.5 |
7.6 |
7.2 |
514.0 |
767.8 |
| 1939 | 518. 5 |
23.0 |
14.4 |
526.9 |
1,294.5 |
| 1940 | 662.2 |
38.8 |
22.0 |
679.1 |
1,973.6 |
| 1941 | 807.2 |
59. 2 |
29.7 |
836.7 |
2,810.3 |
| 1942 | 814.8 |
84.4 |
60.4 |
838.7 |
3,649.0 |
| 1943 | 970.0 |
109.5 |
114.2 |
965.3 |
4,614.3 |
| 1944 | 1,126.6 |
138.5 |
173.1 |
1,091.9 |
5,706.2 |
| 1945 | 1,137.0 |
171.2 |
231.4 |
1,076.4 |
6,782.6 |
| 1946 | 1,291.0 |
203.5 |
302.0 |
1,192.9 |
7,975.5 |
| 1947 | 1,447.1 |
239.3 |
381.2 |
1,305.2 |
9,280.7 |
| 1948 | 1,460.1 |
278.5 |
457.5 |
1, 281.1 |
10, 561.8 |
| 1949 | 1,621.0 |
316.8 |
535.8 |
1,402.1 |
11, 963.9 |
| 1950 | 1,783.3 |
358.9 |
612.8 |
1,529.6 |
13,493.5 |
| 1955 | 1,861.3 |
579.3 |
1,076.0 |
1, 364.5 |
20,672.6 |
| 1960 | 1,939.1 |
765.6 |
1,672.7 |
1,032.0 |
26, 551.8 |
| 1965 | 2, 016.9 |
896.0 |
2,235.1 |
677.8 |
30,543.8 |
| 1970 | 2, 094.8 |
975.2 |
2,792.1 |
277.9 |
32,782.9 |
UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION
Unemployment is an even more prevalent cause of dependency than old age; in fact, it is the most serious of all hazards confronting industrial workers. During the years 1922 to 1929 an average of 8 percent of the industrial workers in this country were unemployed, and in the four depression years, 1930 to 1933, the unemployment rate was above 25 percent. Of all urban families now on relief, more than four fifths are destitute because of unemployment.
Unemployment is due to many causes and there is no one safeguard that is all sufficient. It can be dealt with in a reasonably adequate fashion only through a two-fold approach, similar to that recommended for dealing with the old age problem. Provisions must be made for the relief of those now unemployed, and there should also be devised a method for dealing with the unemployment problem in a less costly and more intelligent way in future years. It should be clearly understood that State unemployment compensation plans made possible by this bill cannot take care of the present problem of unemployment. They will be designed rather to afford security against the large bulk of unemployment in the future.
For those now unemployed the best measure of protection is to give them employment, as is contemplated in the work relief bill. To provide something better than relief on a needs basis for the unemployed of the future, the establishment by the States of unemployment compensation systems is urgently to be desired. Titles III and IX seek to encourage States to set up such systems and to keep them from being handicapped if they do so.
The essential idea in unemployment compensation, more commonly but less accurately called "unemployment insurance" is the accumulation of reserves in times of employment from which partial compensation may be paid to workers who become unemployed and are unable to find other work. Unemployment insurance cannot give complete and unlimited compensation to all who are unemployed. Any attempt to make it do so confuses unemployment insurance with relief, which it is designed to replace in large part. It can give compensation only for a limited period and for a percentage of the wage loss.
Unemployment compensation, nevertheless, is of real value to the industrial workers who are brought under its protection. In normal times it will enable most workers who lose their jobs to tide themselves over, until they get back to their old work or find other employment, without having to resort to relief. Even in depressions it will cover a considerable part of all unemployment and will be all that many workers will need. Unemployed workmen who cannot find other employment within reasonable periods will have to be cared for through work relief or other forms of assistance, but unemployment compensation will greatly reduce the necessity for such assistance. Unemployment compensation is greatly preferable to relief because it is given without any means test. It is in many respects comparable to workmen's compensation, except that it is designed to meet a different and greater hazard.
Unemployment compensation is valuable to the public as well as to the industrial workers themselves. It is a measure tending to maintain purchasing power, upon which business and industry are dependent. Had there been a system of unemployment compensation throughout the country in the years from 1922 on, with a 3 percent contribution rate, not only would practically all unemployment of the prosperity period have been compensated, but it is estimated that $2,500,000,000 would have been available for payment of benefits with the beginning of the depression in 1929. Such an amount paid to unemployed workmen at that time would unquestionably have had a most wholesome, stabilizing effect upon business.
Unemployment compensation has behind it an extensive European experience. No country which has experimented with unemployment insurance has ever abandoned it. In this country it has been endorsed by numerous Federal and State commissions and committees, but prior to this year only one State enacted such a law, and this came into operation less than a year ago.
The failure of the States to enact unemployment insurance laws is due largely to the fact that to do so would handicap their industries in competition with the industries of other States. The States have been unwilling to place this extra financial burden upon their industries. A uniform, Nation-wide tax upon industry, thus removing this principal obstacle in the way of unemployment insurance, is necessary before the States can go ahead. Such a tax should make it possible for the States to enact this socially desirable legislation.
This is one of the purposes of title IX of this bill. In this title a tax is imposed upon employers throughout the country against which a credit is allowed of up to 90 percent of the tax for contributions made by employers to unemployment compensation funds established pursuant to State law.
That this tax is imposed on employers is indicative of the conviction that employers should bear at least a part of the cost of unemployment compensation, just as they bear the cost of workmen's compensation. Each State is, of course, free to assess not only employers but employees; and in this connection it may be noted that in European countries, and under the law recently passed by the State of Washington, employees are required to contribute.
The amount of benefits payable for unemployment from contributions amounting to 3 percent of pay roll would vary from State to State. The maximum period for which benefits may be paid depends not only upon the rate of unemployment, but also upon the percentage of wages paid as benefits, the length of the required waiting period, the ratio of weeks of employment to weeks of benefits, and other provisions. The scale of benefits which States will be able to pay from a 3 percent rate of contributions on pay rolls will carry the great majority of unemployed workers through normal years until they are able to secure employment again. While the Federal tax is limited to 3 percent (1 percent in 1936 and 2 percent in 1937), some States will probably increase the benefits payable by requiring also contributions from the employees or the State government. Under a reasonable scale of benefits, reserves would accumulate in normal years to carry the fund through minor depressions or the first years of a major depression.
The bill permits the States wide discretion with respect to the unemployment compensation laws they may wish to enact. The standards prescribed in this bill, which are described in part II of this report, are designed merely to insure that employers will receive credit against the Federal pay roll tax only for payments made under genuine unemployment compensation laws.
Yet the Federal Government, under this bill, has important functions to perform in order to make it possible for the States to have unemployment insurance laws and to facilitate their operation. It equalizes competitive conditions through the imposition of the employment excise tax provided for in title IX. The bill further provides that the Social Security Board, which is created in title VII to administer all parts of the social security program other than aids coming within the scope of operation of existing bureaus, shall have the duty of studying and making recommendations with respect to the broad problems of economic security. This Board will be able to render important actuarial and scientific services to the States in connection with their unemployment insurance systems. In title III financial aid is given the States by the Federal Government to defray their costs in administering unemployment insurance. Finally, the Federal Government is to handle all unemployment reserve funds, in a trust account in the United States Treasury for the benefit of the States to which they belong.
This last provision will not only afford maximum safety for these funds but is very essential to insure that they will operate to promote the stability of business rather than the reverse. Unemployment reserve funds have the peculiarity that the demands upon them fluctuate considerably, being heaviest when business slackens. If, in such times, the securities in which these funds are invested are thrown upon the market for liquidation, the net effect is likely to be increased deflation. Such a result is avoided in this bill through the provision that all reserve funds are to be held by the United States Treasury, to be invested and liquidated by the Secretary of the Treasury in a manner calculated to promote business stability. When business conditions are such that investment in securities purchased on the open market is unwise, the Secretary of the Treasury may issue special nonnegotiable obligations exclusively to the unemployment trust fund. When a reverse situation exists and heavy drains are made upon the fund for payment of unemployment benefits, the Treasury does not have to dispose of the securities belonging to the fund in open market but may assume them itself. With such a method of handling the reserve funds, it is believed that this bill will solve the problem often raised in discussions of unemployment compensation, regarding the possibility of transferring purchasing power from boom periods to depression periods. It will in fact operate to sustain purchasing power at the onset of a depression without having any counteracting deflationary tendencies.
SECURITY
FOR CHILDREN
Titles IV and V of the bill deal with another important aspect of economic security, that of security for children. Children are, perhaps, the most tragic victims of the depression. More than 40 percent of all persons on relief--approximately 9,000,000 individuals-are children under 16, in contrast to 28 percent of the entire population falling in this age group. In less than a generation these children will constitute a large part of the adults who must carry the burdens of our social system and the responsibilities of our Government. As was well stated by the Committee on Economic Security, "the core of any social plan must be the child." And with so many children now growing up under the abnormal conditions involved in relief and the many hardships created through the depression, it is imperative that everything possible be done to offset the demoralizing and deteriorating effects of the great disaster that has befallen this country.
DEPENDENT
CHILDREN
One clearly distinguishable group of children, now cared for through emergency relief, for whom better provision should be made, are those in families lacking a father's support. Nearly 10 percent of all families on relief are without a potential breadwinner other than a mother whose time might best be devoted to the care of her young children. Last fall it was estimated that there were above 350,000 families on relief the head of which was a widowed, separated, or divorced mother and whose other members were children under 16. Above 700,000 children under 16 belong to such families, and, with the increase in relief lists since then, this number has probably increased proportionately.
It has long been recognized in this country that the best provision that can be made for families of this description is public aid with respect to dependent children in their own homes. Forty five States now have laws providing such aid, but in many of these States the laws are only partially operative or not at all so. With the financial exhaustion of State and local governments a situation has developed in which there are more than three times as many families eligible for such aid as are actually in receipt of it, and they are now being supported by emergency relief.
| TABLE V. Estimated number of families and children receiving aid with respect to dependent children under State laws and estimated expenditures for this purpose [Based on figures available Nov. 15, 1934] |
|||||
| State |
Number of families receiving aid |
Number of children benefiting from aid |
Estimated present annual expenditures for aid, local and State |
||
| Total |
Local |
State |
|||
| Total | 109,038 |
280,565 |
$37,487,479 |
$31,621,957 |
$5,885,522 |
| Alabama (1) | |||||
| Arizona | 106 |
379 |
20,940 |
20,940 |
|
| Arkansas (2) | |||||
| California | 7,058 |
17,642 |
2,133,999 |
224,252 |
1,909,747 |
| Colorado | 552 |
1,435 |
149,688 |
149,688 |
|
| Connecticut | 1,271 |
3,276 |
734,627 |
489,752 |
244,875 |
| Delaware | 348 |
855 |
93,000 |
46,500 |
40,500 |
| District of Columbia | 209 |
720 |
143,997 |
143,997 |
|
| Florida | 2,564 |
6,164 |
222,286 |
222,286 |
|
| Georgia (1) | |||||
| Idaho | 230 |
619 |
36,315 |
36,815 |
|
| Illinois | 6,217 |
14,802 |
1,837,012 |
1,533,217 |
303,795 |
| Indiana | 1,332 |
3,856 |
352,224 |
352,224 |
|
| Iowa | 3,527 |
9,170 |
719,772 |
719,772 |
|
| Kansas | 768 |
1,997 |
75,721 |
75,721 |
|
| Kentucky | 137 |
356 |
62,889 |
62,889 |
|
| Louisiana | 88 |
229 |
9,312 |
9,312 |
|
| Maine | 817 |
2,124 |
310,000 |
155,000 |
155,000 |
| Maryland | 267 |
694 |
117,459 |
117,459 |
|
| Massachusetts | 3,939 |
11,817 |
2,450,000 |
1,400,000 |
1,050,000 |
| Michigan | 6,938 |
18,039 |
2,448,962 |
2,448,962 |
|
| Minnesota | 3,597 |
9,152 |
1,138,176 |
1,138,176 |
|
| Mississippi (2) |
|
||||
| Missouri | 336 |
874 |
93,440 |
93,440 |
|
| Montana | 839 |
1,969 |
213,623 |
213,623 |
|
| Nebraska | 1,654 |
4,300 |
272,036 |
272,036 |
|
| Nevada | 200 |
520 |
44,035 |
44,035 |
|
| New Hampshire | 260 |
761 |
82,440 |
82,440 |
|
| New Jersey | 7,711 |
18,789 |
2,445,564 |
2,445,564 |
|
| New Mexico (2) | |||||
| New York | 23,493 |
56,524 |
11,731,176 |
11,731,176 |
|
| North Carolina | 314 |
947 |
58,706 |
29,353 |
29,353 |
| North Dakota | 978 |
2,844 |
238,314 |
238,314 |
|
| Ohio | 8,923 |
24,470 |
2,116,908 |
2,116,908 |
|
| Oklahoma | 1,898 |
5,166 |
123,314 |
123,314 |
|
| Oregon | 1,040 |
2,259 |
247,140 |
247,140 |
|
| Pennsylvania | 7,700 |
22,587 |
3,197,640 |
1,598,820 |
1,598,820 |
| Rhode Island | 513 |
1,666 |
267,252 |
133,626 |
133,626 |
| South Carolina (1) | |||||
| South Dakota | 1,290 |
3,324 |
285,986 |
285,986 |
|
| Tennessee | 241 |
627 |
71,328 |
71,328 |
|
| Texas | 332 |
863 |
43,987 |
43,987 |
|
| Utah | 622 |
1,617 |
78,651 |
78,651 |
|
| Vermont | 206 |
461 |
46,976 |
23,488 |
23,488 |
| Virginia | 136 |
545 |
33,876 |
16,938 |
16,938 |
| Washington | 3,013 |
7,834 |
519,538 |
519,538 |
|
| West Virginia | 108 |
281 |
16,086 |
16,086 |
|
| Wisconsin | 7,173 |
17,932 |
2,180,790 |
1,930,790 |
250,000 |
| Wyoming | 95 |
279 |
22,294 |
22,294 |
|
| 1 No State law. 2 Law not in operation. Source: The U. S. Children's Bureau. |
|||||
| TABLE VI. Extent to which aid to dependent children is provided: Per capita expenditures and percentages of counties granting aid | ||
| State |
Percentage of counties granting aid |
Per-capita expenditures |
| Alabama | No mothers' aid law |
|
| Alaska | (1) |
(1) |
| Arizona | State wide |
$0.05 |
| Arkansas | Mothers' aid discontinued |
|
| California | State wide |
.35 |
| Colorado | 54 |
.14 |
| Connecticut | State wide |
.46 |
| Delaware | DO |
.39 |
| District of Columbia |
|
.30 |
| Florida | 67 |
.15 |
| Georgia | No mothers' aid law |
|
| Hawaii | (1) |
(1) |
| Idaho | 75 |
.10 |
| Illinois | 81 |
.20 |
| Indiana | 75 |
.11 |
| Iowa | 98 |
.29 |
| Kansas | 36 |
.04 |
| Kentucky | (2) |
.02 |
| Louisiana | 5 |
.004 |
| Maine | State-wide |
.39 |
| Maryland | 33 |
.07 |
| Massachusetts | State-wide |
.58 |
| Michigan | 43 |
.51 |
| Minnesota | 91 |
.44 |
| Mississippi | Mothers' aid discontinued |
|
| Missouri | 10 (3) |
.03 |
| Montana | 82 (3) |
.46 |
| Nebraska | 86 |
.20 |
| Nevada | 71 |
.41 |
| New Hampshire | State-wide |
.18 |
| New Jersey | DO |
.61 |
| New Mexico | Law not in operation |
|
| New York | 81 |
.93 |
| North Carolina | 74 |
.02 |
| North Dakota | 77 |
.39 |
| Ohio | 96 |
.31 |
| Oklahoma | 62 (3) |
.05 |
| Oregon | 69 |
.26 |
| Pennsylvania | 85 |
.34 |
| Puerto Rico | Law not in operation |
|
| Rhode Island | State wide |
.39 |
| South Carolina | No mothers' aid law |
|
| South Dakota | 78 |
.47 |
| Tennessee | 4 |
.03 |
| Texas | 3 |
.008 |
| Utah | 48 |
.15 |
| Vermont | State-wide |
.13 |
| Virginia | 44 |
.01 |
| Washington | 92 |
.36 |
| West Virginia | 4 |
.007 |
| Wisconsin | 89 |
.74 |
| Wyoming | 43 (3) |
.10 |
| 1.
No report. |
||
For the welfare of the many young children involved, it is highly desirable that these families should be taken care of through public aid. This will not be possible, however, unless the Federal Goverment aids the States in carrying this burden. Such aid is proposed in title IV of this bill, under which the Federal Government will assume one third of the cost of aid to dependent children paid under State laws. This does not involve any larger expenditures than the Federal government has been making for the support of these families on relief, but will very ma